Suchergebnisse

Per diverso tempo, dopo la firma degli Accordi Generali di Pace (AGP) a Roma, il 4 ottobre del 1992, fra il governo mozambicano guidato dal FRELIMO (Fronte di Liberazione del Mozambico) e la RENAMO (Resistenza Nazionale del Mozambico), una buona parte della comunità internazionale e accademica aveva considerato il Mozambico come un raro caso di successo in Africa. La realtà si è rivelata assai più complessa rispetto alle previsioni iniziali, nonostante l'illusione di un paese pacificato e sulla via di una democrazia stabile sia stata propagandata a lungo, anche a causa di un incremento medio annuo del PIL pari al 7,2% fra il 2000 e il 20161. Questo studio offre una riflessione su come la "transizione" dalla Prima alla Seconda Repubblica – ossia da uno Stato socialista con un regime a partito unico a uno democratico e multipartitico, non abbia seguito il percorso che era stato auspicato e previsto durante tutti gli anni Novanta e per buona parte del nuovo secolo. Al contrario, vi è stata una deriva autoritaria associata a nuovi conflitti interni. Non si è trattato di un fenomeno improvviso, ma costante, a partire dal 2009 circa fino a oggi, come tutti i principali indicatori su democrazia, libertà di espressione, diritti umani evidenziano.

Mozambique has long been considered a political success story in Africa. Nevertheless, it was clear from the signing of the General Peace Agreement in 1992 and the first general elections in 1994 that the official narrative of this success hid severe problems. The major challenge for Mozambican democracy has been the management of the electoral process. With little transparency and not much evidence of legal process, the consequence has been the repeated resurgence of political tensions and military clashes between Renamo and the Frelimo-led national Government. This paper seeks to explore the relationship between 'negative peace' and the lack of transparency in Mozambican electoral processes, whose main consequence is an 'endless transition' towards a 'normal' model of democracy.



Luca Bussotti, Associate Visiting Professor, Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, Brazil. Associate Researcher, Centro dos Estudos Internacionais, Instituto Universitário de Lisboa (CEI-IUL), Portugal. Email: labronicus@gmail.com

Despite the different interpretations on the origins and a possible way to manage the Islamic terrorism in Africa, a thing is clear: this phenomenon gained importance in the last few years. Data of ACLED show that in 2015 Africa registered 381 attacks, which resulted in 1.394 fatalities; five years later the number increased to 7.108 attacks and 12.519 fatalities (Mroszczyk & Abrahms, 2021). It is not difficult to deduce that Islamic terrorism was not managed appropriately by the African States. It is the case of countries as Nigeria with Boko Haram, Somalia with Al-Shabaab, Mozambique with Ansar-al-Sunna, with links with the Central African Province of the Islamic State.

Este artigo analisa a cobertura da imprensa moçambicana, especificamente do jornal Notícias, relativo às doenças não transmissíveis (DNT). O texto se inscreve em uma moldura teórica dupla: por um lado, no seio da comunicação para saúde "contextualizada"; por outro, no agendamento político da cobertura de imprensa controlada pelo Estado em países de democracia limitada, como Moçambique. A pesquisa foi do tipo exploratória e, em termos metodológicos, primeiro, foi feito um levantamento quantitativo da amostra de artigos do Notícias sobre DNT, de 2006 até 2018; a seguir, usou-se a análise do discurso aplicada aos artigos julgados mais significativos; finalmente, foram realizadas entrevistas junto a testemunhas-chave que complementaram a pesquisa. Os resultados apontaram para uma elevada politização da cobertura das doenças não transmissíveis. As entrevistas realizadas confirmaram tais conclusões, enfatizando, porém, a importância de uma análise contextual: a linha editorial do Notícias foi sim centrada no protagonismo de importantes figuras públicas comprometidas com a luta contra tais doenças, mas essa foi a única forma julgada possível para iniciar a abordagem das DNT na imprensa pública. ; This article analyzes the coverage of Mozambican press, in particular, of the newspaper Notícias, regarding the topic of non-communicable diseases. The study uses a two-step approach; the first approach is embedded into the "contextualized" health communication theory, the second in the agenda-setting theory applied to the coverage of state-controlled press in limited democratic countries, such as Mozambique. This exploratory research adopted, as its methodology, firstly a quantitative analysis of the whole population of the articles on non-communicable diseases (NCD) that appeared in the newspaper Notícias for the period 2006-2018. A survey of the most meaningful articles was subjected to the discourse analysis, complemented by interviewing witnesses that had access to confidential information. The results showed a high politicization of the coverage of NCD. The incorporation of the interviews confirmed such conclusions, emphasizing the importance of a contextualized analysis: the editorial line of Notícias showed a dependency to the engagement of important public figures committed to combating such diseases; nevertheless, it was the only possible way to begin to approach DNT in public press.

NGOENHA, Severino 2019. Lomuku. Maputo: Publifix Edições.

If one seeks to rent a house for spending some months in a European city, or just some days on holiday, an aspect becomes immediately clear: the quasi-monopoly of an on-line platform, which proposes interesting and innovative solutions, from an entire apartment to a single room.
This on-line platform is Airbnb, created in 2007 in San Francisco and which in 2009 assumed the current denomination. Airbnb operates in 200 countries and about 8.100 cities, launching 5 million announcements yearly and hosting – through its associated structures – about 300 million people per year (Rubino, 2018), having reached in 2018 the target of 500 million people (AIRBNB, 2019).

Risk management and risk communication affect everybody's daily life. Local authorities have the duty to manage public structures, to inform civilians of the risks coming from these structures, to implement prophylaxis procedures. Military storage sites are fully included in this category. This article presents – through a qualitative methodology based on risk analysis – how risk management and communication in weapons and ammunition warehouses is managed in a "partially free" country, using as a case-study, the Malhazine depot in Mozambique, which resulted in more than 100 deaths. In 2007, an extraordinary accident related to the management of obsolete conventional weapons occurred at the Malazhine warehouse. In this circumstance, the Mozambican Government adopted a policy of classifying the information "highly confidential". This policy aimed at obscuring facts and responsibilities by hiding the causes of such a huge tragedy. This article concludes with the consideration that a high level of confidentiality in treating issues of public interest, such as the one kept in regard to Malhazine, does not help public authorities to effectively manage and prevent similar risks from occurring again, with resulting negative impacts on local populations. Keywords: military storage, Malhazine, local authorities, confidentiality.

The management of individuals or communities different from the prevalent religious, ethnic, linguistic, political or sexual groups has always been one of the most problematic issues faced by national States. The liberal conception of State privileges individual in detriment of collective entities as a subject of right, excluding a priori community rights.
Historical linguistic groups represent one of the most ancient and complicated questions for testing the capacity of a National State to manage domestic differences, since they have been seen as a threat to the process of unification and nationalization of the masses and individualization of the right.